Over the past few days President Trump has been catching a
great deal of heat from the leftist Liberals for pulling America out of the
Paris Climate Accords. Problem is that these dorks have absolutely no idea as
to what really happened, or why it happened. Instead they decided that they
would attack Trump harder than ever in an effort to force him to either retract
his decision or at the very least make his administration ineffectual.
As such I went and found out for myself what the Paris
Accord really was, and I can say without doubt that Trump not only saved our
economy, but our asses. If you don’t believe me then I invite you to read what
the Paris Climate Accord truly is. I also point out that as you read this you’ll
be struck by the fact that it seems like all of a sudden, the United Nations is
speaking as the authority for those countries that signed the agreement. It
wouldn’t be the first time that Obama has tried to sign away American Sovereignty,
and it’s beginning to look like those who are remaining a part of the agreement
are doing the same. Trump’s not stupid, and whether you believe it or not he
may have just saved America.
The aim of the convention is described in Article 2,
"enhancing the implementation" of the UNFCCC through:[8]
"(a) Holding the increase in the global average
temperature to well below 2 °C above pre-industrial levels and to pursue
efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5 °C above pre-industrial
levels, recognizing that this would significantly reduce the risks and impacts
of climate change;
(b) Increasing the ability to adapt to the adverse impacts
of climate change and foster climate resilience and low greenhouse gas
emissions development, in a manner that does not threaten food production;
(c) Making finance flows consistent with a pathway towards
low greenhouse gas emissions and climate-resilient development."
Countries furthermore aim to reach "global peaking of
greenhouse gas emissions as soon as possible". The agreement has been
described as an incentive for and driver of fossil fuel divestment.[9][10]
The Paris deal is the world's first comprehensive climate
agreement.[11]
Nationally determined contributions and their limits
Global carbon dioxide emissions by country (US EPA)
The contributions that each individual country should make
in order to achieve the worldwide goal are determined by all countries
individually and called "nationally determined contributions"
(NDCs).[5] Article 3 requires them to be "ambitious", "represent
a progression over time" and set "with the view to achieving the
purpose of this Agreement". The contributions should be reported every
five years and are to be registered by the UNFCCC Secretariat.[12] Each further
ambition should be more ambitious than the previous one, known as the principle
of 'progression'.[13] Countries can cooperate and pool their nationally
determined contributions. The Intended Nationally Determined Contributions
pledged during the 2015 Climate Change Conference serve—unless provided
otherwise—as the initial Nationally determined contribution.
The level of NDCs set by each country[7] will set that
country's targets. However the 'contributions' themselves are not binding as a
matter of international law, as they lack the specificity, normative character,
or obligatory language necessary to create binding norms.[14] Furthermore,
there will be no mechanism to force[6] a country to set a target in their NDC
by a specific date and no enforcement if a set target in an NDC is not
met.[7][15] There will be only a "name and shame" system[16] or as
János Pásztor, the U.N. assistant secretary-general on climate change, told CBS
News (US), a "name and encourage" plan.[17] As the agreement provides
no consequences if countries do not meet their commitments, consensus of this
kind is fragile. A trickle of nations exiting the agreement may trigger the
withdrawal of more governments, bringing about a total collapse of the
agreement.[18]
The negotiators of the Agreement however stated that the
NDCs and the 2 °C reduction target were insufficient, instead, a
1.5 °C target is required, noting "with concern that the estimated
aggregate greenhouse gas emission levels in 2025 and 2030 resulting from the
intended nationally determined contributions do not fall within least-cost
2 °C scenarios but rather lead to a projected level of 55 gigatonnes in
2030", and recognizing furthermore "that much greater emission
reduction efforts will be required in order to hold the increase in the global
average temperature to below 2 °C by reducing emissions to 40 gigatonnes
or to 1.5 °C".[19]
Although not the sustained temperatures over the long term
to which the Agreement addresses, in the first half of 2016 average
temperatures were about 1.3 °C (2.3 degrees Fahrenheit) above the average
in 1880, when global record-keeping began.[20]
When the agreement achieved enough signatures to cross the
threshold on 5 October 2016, US President Barack Obama claimed that "Even
if we meet every target ... we will only get to part of where we need to
go." He also said that "this agreement will help delay or avoid some
of the worst consequences of climate change. It will help other nations ratchet
down their emissions over time, and set bolder targets as technology advances,
all under a strong system of transparency that allows each nation to evaluate
the progress of all other nations."[21][22]
Global stocktake
The global stocktake will kick off with a "facilitative
dialogue" in 2018. At this convening, parties will evaluate how their NDCs
stack up to the nearer-term goal of peaking global emissions and the long-term
goal of achieving net zero emissions by the second half of this century.[23]
The implementation of the agreement by all member countries
together will be evaluated every 5 years, with the first evaluation in 2023.
The outcome is to be used as input for new nationally determined contributions
of member states.[24] The stocktake will not be of contributions/achievements
of individual countries but a collective analysis of what has been achieved and
what more needs to be done.
The stocktake works as part of the Paris Agreement's effort
to create a "ratcheting up" of ambition in emissions cuts. Because
analysts have agreed that the current NDCs will not limit rising temperatures
below 2 degrees Celsius, the global stocktake reconvenes parties to assess how
their new NDCs must evolve so that they continually reflect a country's
"highest possible ambition".[23]
While ratcheting up the ambition of NDCs is a major aim of
the global stocktake, it assesses efforts beyond mitigation. The 5 year reviews
will also evaluate adaptation, climate finance provisions, and technology
development and transfer.[23]
Structure
The Paris Agreement has a 'bottom up' structure in contrast
to most international environmental law treaties which are 'top down',
characterised by standards and targets set internationally, for states to
implement.[25] Unlike its predecessor, the Kyoto Protocol, which sets
commitment targets that have legal force, the Paris Agreement, with its
emphasis on consensus-building, allows for voluntary and nationally determined
targets.[26] The specific climate goals are thus politically encouraged, rather
than legally bound. Only the processes governing the reporting and review of
these goals are mandated under international law. This structure is especially
notable for the United States—because there are no legal mitigation or finance
targets, the agreement is considered an "executive agreement rather than a
treaty". Because the UNFCCC treaty of 1992 received the consent of the
Senate, this new agreement does not require further legislation from Congress
for it to take effect.[26]
Another key difference between the Paris Agreement and the
Kyoto Protocol is their scopes. While the Kyoto Protocol differentiated between
Annex-1 and non-Annex-1 countries, this bifurcation is blurred in the Paris
Agreement, as all parties will be required to submit emissions reductions
plans.[27] While the Paris Agreement still emphasizes the principle of
"Common but Differentiated Responsibility and Respective
Capabilities"—the acknowledgement that different nations have different
capacities and duties to climate action—it does not provide a specific division
between developed and developing nations.[27]
Mitigation provisions and carbon markets
Article 6 has been flagged as containing some of the key
provisions of the Paris Agreement.[28] Broadly, it outlines the cooperative
approaches that parties can take in achieving their nationally determined
carbon emissions reductions. In doing so, it helps establish the Paris
Agreement as a framework for a global carbon market.[29]
Linkages and ITMOs
Paragraphs 6.2 and 6.3 establish a framework to govern the
international transfer of mitigation outcomes (ITMOs). The Agreement recognizes
the rights of Parties to use emissions reductions outside of their own
jurisdiction toward their NDC, in a system of carbon accounting and
trading.[29]
This provision requires the "linkage" of various
carbon emissions trading systems—because measured emissions reductions must
avoid "double counting", transferred mitigation outcomes must be
recorded as a gain of emission units for one party and a reduction of emission
units for the other.[28] Because the NDCs, and domestic carbon trading schemes,
are heterogeneous, the ITMOs will provide a format for global linkage under the
auspices of the UNFCCC.[30] The provision thus also creates a pressure for
countries to adopt emissions management systems—if a country wants to use more
cost-effective cooperative approaches to achieve their NDCs, they will need to
monitor carbon units for their economies.[31]
Sustainable Development Mechanism
Paragraphs 6.4-6.7 establish a mechanism "to contribute
to the mitigation of greenhouse gases and support sustainable
development".[32] Though there is no specific name for the mechanism as
yet, many Parties and observers have informally coalesced around the name
"Sustainable Development Mechanism" or "SDM".[33][34] The
SDM is considered to be the successor to the Clean Development Mechanism, a
flexible mechanism under the Kyoto Protocol, by which parties could
collaboratively pursue emissions reductions for their Intended Nationally
Determined Contributions. The Sustainable Development Mechanism lays the
framework for the future of the Clean Development Mechanism post-Kyoto (in
2020).
In its basic aim, the SDM will largely resemble the Clean
Development Mechanism, with the dual mission to 1. contribute to global GHG
emissions reductions and 2. support sustainable development.[35] Though the
structure and processes governing the SDM are not yet determined, certain
similarities and differences from the Clean Development Mechanism can already
be seen. Notably, the SDM, unlike the Clean Development Mechanism, will be
available to all parties as opposed to only Annex-1 parties, making it much
wider in scope.[36]
Since the Kyoto Protocol went into force, the Clean Development
Mechanism has been criticized for failing to produce either meaningful
emissions reductions or sustainable development benefits in most instances.[37]
It has also suffered from the low price of Certified Emissions Reductions
(CERs), creating less demand for projects. These criticisms have motivated the
recommendations of various stakeholders, who have provided through working
groups and reports, new elements they hope to see in SDM that will bolster its
success.[30] The specifics of the governance structure, project proposal
modalities, and overall design are expected to come during the next[when?]
Conference of the Parties in Marrakesh.
Adaptation provisions
Adaptation issues garnered more focus in the formation of
the Paris Agreement. Collective, long-term adaptation goals are included in the
Agreement, and countries must report on their adaptation actions, making
adaptation a parallel component of the agreement with mitigation.[38] The
adaptation goals focus on enhancing adaptive capacity, increasing resilience,
and limiting vulnerability.[39]
Ensuring finance
In the Paris Agreement, the developed countries reaffirmed
the commitment to mobilize $100 billion a year in climate finance by 2020, and
agreed to continue mobilizing finance at the level of $100 billion a year until
2025.[40] The commitment refers to the pre-existing plan to provide US$100
billion a year in aid to developing countries for actions on climate change
adaptation and mitigation.[41]
Though both mitigation and adaptation require increased
climate financing, adaptation has typically received lower levels of support
and has mobilised less action from the private sector.[38] A 2014 report by the
OECD found that just 16 percent of global finance was directed toward climate
adaptation in 2014.[42] The Paris Agreement called for a balance of climate
finance between adaptation and mitigation, and specifically underscoring the
need to increase adaptation support for parties most vulnerable to the effects
of climate change, including Least Developed Countries and Small Island
Developing States. The agreement also reminds parties of the importance of
public grants, because adaptation measures receive less investment from the
public sector.[38] John Kerry, as Secretary of State, announced that
grant-based adaptation finance would double by 2020.[26]
Some specific outcomes of the elevated attention to
adaptation financing in Paris include the G7 countries' announcement to provide
US $420 million for Climate Risk Insurance, and the launching of a Climate Risk
and Early Warning Systems (CREWS) Initiative.[43] In early March 2016, the
Obama administration gave a $500 million grant to the "Green Climate
Fund" as "the first chunk of a $3 billion commitment made at the
Paris climate talks."[44][45][46] So far, the Green Climate Fund has now
received over $10 billion in pledges. Notably, the pledges come from developed
nations like France, the US, and Japan, but also from developing countries such
as Mexico, Indonesia, and Vietnam.[26]
Loss and damage
A new issue that emerged as a focal point in the Paris
negotiations rose from the fact that many of the worst effects of climate
change will be too severe or come too quickly to be avoided by adaptation
measures. The Paris Agreement specifically acknowledges the need to address
loss and damage of this kind, and aims to find appropriate responses.[47] It
specifies that loss and damage can take various forms—both as immediate impacts
from extreme weather events, and slow onset impacts, such as the loss of land
to sea-level rise for low-lying islands.[26]
The push to address loss and damage as a distinct issue in
the Paris Agreement came from the Alliance of Small Island States and the Least
Developed Countries, whose economies and livelihoods are most vulnerable to the
negative impacts of climate change.[26] Developed countries, however, worried
that classifying the issue as one separate and beyond adaptation measures would
create yet another climate finance provision, or might imply legal liability
for catastrophic climate events.
In the end, all parties acknowledged the need for
"averting, minimizing, and addressing loss and damage" but notably
excludes any mention of compensation or liability.[8] The agreement also adopts
the Warsaw International Mechanism for Loss and Damage, an institution that
will attempt to address questions about how to classify, address, and share
responsibility for loss and damage.[47]
Enhanced transparency framework
While each Party's NDC is not legally binding, the Parties
are legally bound to have their progress tracked by technical expert review to
assess achievement toward the NDC, and to determine ways to strengthen
ambition.[48] Article 13 of the Paris Agreement articulates an "enhanced
transparency framework for action and support" that establishes harmonized
monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV) requirements. Thus, both
developed and developing nations must report every two years on their
mitigation efforts, and all parties will be subject to both technical and peer
review.[48]
Flexibility mechanisms
While the enhanced transparency framework is universal,
along with the global stocktaking to occur every 5 years, the framework is
meant to provide "built-in flexibility" to distinguish between
developed and developing countries' capacities. In conjunction with this, the
Paris Agreement has provisions for an enhanced framework for capacity
building.[49] The agreement recognizes the varying circumstances of some
countries, and specifically notes that the technical expert review for each
country consider that country's specific capacity for reporting.[49] The
agreement also develops a Capacity-Building Initiative for Transparency to
assist developing countries in building the necessary institutions and
processes for complying with the transparency framework.[49]
There are several ways in which flexibility mechanisms can
be incorporated into the enhanced transparency framework. The scope, level of
detail, or frequency of reporting may all be adjusted and tiered based on a
country's capacity. The requirement for in-country technical reviews could be
lifted for some less developed or small island developing countries. Ways to
assess capacity include financial and human resources in a country necessary
for NDC review.[49]
Adoption
The Paris Agreement was opened for signature on 22 April
2016 (Earth Day) at a ceremony in New York.[50] After several European Union
states ratified the agreement in October 2016, there were enough countries that
had ratified the agreement that produce enough of the world's greenhouse gases
for the agreement to enter into force.[51] The agreement went into effect on 4
November 2016.[2]
Negotiations
Within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change, legal instruments may be adopted to reach the goals of the convention.
For the period from 2008 to 2012, greenhouse gas reduction measures were agreed
in the Kyoto Protocol in 1997. The scope of the protocol was extended until
2020 with the Doha Amendment to that protocol in 2012.[52]
During the 2011 United Nations Climate Change Conference,
the Durban Platform (and the Ad Hoc Working Group on the Durban Platform for
Enhanced Action) was established with the aim to negotiate a legal instrument
governing climate change mitigation measures from 2020. The resulting agreement
was to be adopted in 2015.[53]
Adoption
Heads of delegations at the 2015 United Nations Climate
Change Conference in Paris.
Main article: 2015 United Nations Climate Change Conference
At the conclusion of COP 21 (the 21st meeting of the
Conference of the Parties, which guides the Conference), on 12 December 2015,
the final wording of the Paris Agreement was adopted by consensus by all of the
195 UNFCCC participating member states and the European Union[3] to reduce
emissions as part of the method for reducing greenhouse gas. In the 12 page
Agreement,[46] the members promised to reduce their carbon output "as soon
as possible" and to do their best to keep global warming "to well
below 2 degrees C" [3.6 degrees F].[54]
Signature and entry into force
Signing by John Kerry in United Nations General Assembly
Hall for the United States
The Paris Agreement was open for signature by States and
regional economic integration organizations that are Parties to the UNFCCC (the
Convention) from 22 April 2016 to 21 April 2017 at the UN Headquarters in New
York.[55]
The agreement stated that it would enter into force (and
thus become fully effective) only if 55 countries that produce at least 55% of
the world's greenhouse gas emissions (according to a list produced in 2015)[56]
ratify, accept, approve or accede to the agreement.[57][58] On 1 April 2016,
the United States and China, which together represent almost 40% of global
emissions, issued a joint statement confirming that both countries would sign
the Paris Climate Agreement.[59][60] 175 Parties (174 states and the European
Union) signed the agreement on the first date it was open for
signature.[50][61] On the same day, more than 20 countries issued a statement
of their intent to join as soon as possible with a view to joining in 2016.
With ratification by the European Union, the Agreement obtained enough parties
to enter into effect as of 4 November 2016.
European Union and its member states
Both the EU and its member states are individually
responsible for ratifying the Paris Agreement. A strong preference was reported
that the EU and its 28 member states deposit their instruments of ratification
at the same time to ensure that neither the EU nor its member states engage
themselves to fulfilling obligations that strictly belong to the other,[62] and
there were fears that disagreement over each individual member state's share of
the EU-wide reduction target, as well as Britain's vote to leave the EU might
delay the Paris pact.[63] However, the European Parliament approved
ratification of the Paris Agreement on 4 October 2016,[51] and the EU deposited
its instruments of ratification on 5 October 2016, along with several
individual EU member states.[63]
The head of the Paris Conference, France's foreign minister
Laurent Fabius, said this "ambitious and balanced" plan is a
"historic turning point" in the goal of reducing global warming.[64]
One year on, the ratification of the Paris Agreement was celebrated by the
Mayor of Paris Anne Hidalgo by illuminating the Eiffel Tower and the Arc de
Triomphe, Paris' most iconic monuments, in green.[65]
Parties and signatories
As of December 2016, 191 states and the European Union have
signed the Agreement. 148 of those parties have ratified or acceded to the
Agreement, most notably China and India, the countries with three of the four
largest greenhouse gas emissions of the signatories' total (about 42%
together).[1][66][67]
Party or signatory[1]
Percentage of greenhouse
gases for ratification[56]
Date of signature
Date of deposit of instruments
of ratification or accession
Date when agreement
enters
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